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How Trump's decision to strike Iran fits a troubled history of U.S. intervention


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President Trump approved strikes that killed Iran's Ayatollah Khamenei and over 165 children in a destroyed primary school, contradicting his earlier claims that Iran's nuclear program was "obliterated".


oursentinel.com viewpoint
by Van Abbott
Guest Commentator


They told Americans this would be a surgical strike, a narrow operation, a last resort. Instead, President Trump and his advisers approved an attack that toppled Iran’s supreme leader, wounded his son, and destroyed a primary school filled with girls. More than 165 children died in the opening hours, their classrooms reduced to rubble.

Iran will not remember Trump’s speeches. It will remember the sirens, the shattered buildings, and the small shoes pulled from the debris. Those images will live in the minds of Iranians for generations, turning grief into anger and anger into resolve.

To understand how destructive this decision may prove, it helps to recall how Iran’s conflict with the West began. In 1953 the CIA and British intelligence helped overthrow Iran’s elected prime minister after he moved to nationalize Iranian oil. The coup restored the Shah and tied Iran’s political future to Western strategic interests.

For many Iranians, the episode became lasting proof that Washington would undermine democracy to protect its power and economic interests.

When the 1979 Iranian revolution toppled the Shah, it did so partly in response to that history of interference. The bitterness deepened during the Iran–Iraq war, when the West supported Iraqi ruler Hussein. Decades of sanctions and unwavering Western support for Israel reinforced a belief inside Iran that the United States was not an honest broker.

Against that backdrop, Trump’s war does not represent a reset. It adds another bitter chapter to a history already defined by coups, sanctions, and conflict. For many Irania

ns, the strikes will not be seen as strategy but as confirmation of long-held suspicions about America.

The joint American and Israeli strikes that killed Ayatollah Khamenei may satisfy hawks in Washington and Jerusalem. Yet they also produced civilian casualties that will shape the views of a new generation of Iranians. The girls killed in that school were not soldiers or scientists. They were children sitting at their desks when the missiles struck.

Trump argues the attack was necessary because Iran was racing toward a nuclear weapon. Yet his claim conflicts with both his own statements and long-standing intelligence assessments. Only eight months earlier he had declared Iran’s nuclear program “obliterated.” Intelligence agencies reported it had merely been delayed.

Over time, analysts who challenged Trump’s narrative found themselves sidelined. When leaders punish unwelcome facts, they weaken the guardrails meant to prevent reckless decisions.

Diplomacy fared no better. Trump placed sensitive negotiations in the hands of Jared Kushner and real estate developer Steve Witkoff. They met Iranian representatives without nuclear specialists present.

Witkoff warned publicly that Iran’s stockpile of 60 percent enriched uranium could produce several bombs within weeks. Nuclear experts noted that enrichment level alone does not equal a functioning weapon.


Trump now insists Iran was on the brink of acquiring nuclear weapons, contradicting both his earlier claims and years of intelligence assessments.

Iranian negotiators suggested they might surrender that stockpile in exchange for sanctions relief. They also noted that enrichment accelerated only after Trump withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement.

That decision sits at the center of the crisis. Trump dismantled an agreement designed to constrain Iran’s nuclear activity, then used the escalation that followed as justification for war.

Even some administration officials acknowledge that Israel’s determination to strike Iran shaped Washington’s timeline. U.S. forces moved first partly out of concern that unilateral Israeli action would trigger retaliation against American targets.

That danger extends far beyond the Middle East. Iran and its allies have long relied on covert operations and proxy attacks. By killing Iran’s top leaders and widening the conflict, Trump may also have increased the risk that retaliation could occur far from Tehran, potentially including inside the United States.

The path to war also raises troubling questions about diplomatic good faith. Negotiations continued even as military planning intensified. Iranian representatives reportedly learned the talks were over only after missiles were already in the air.

The result is a profound strategic gamble. Trump now insists Iran was on the brink of acquiring nuclear weapons, contradicting both his earlier claims and years of intelligence assessments.

Which version will the world believe?

More important, what will Iranians believe: that the United States intervened to remove a dangerous regime, or that it launched an unjust war that killed their leaders and their children?

Trump’s decision may have sealed a new generation of hostility. A history already marked by coups, sanctions, and regional conflict now carries fresh memories of destruction.

Peace in the Middle East has always been fragile. After this war, it may be far harder to imagine. And Americans may yet discover that the consequences do not stop overseas.


About the author ~
Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.





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