President Trump says the war ends when he says so. January's new Congress must demand an end to his war with Iran.
by Van AbbottGuest Contributor
Donald Trump announced in March that he had won the Iran war, and he has been revising the ending ever since. Before the midterm elections, Trump wanted every Republican contest to be about him. “So what I really want you to do is pretend, please, that I’m on the ballot,” he told supporters in August. After Republicans suffered major losses, he offered a different explanation: “I feel that I wasn’t on the ballot, and there was nothing that could be done about that.” Trump had asked voters to treat congressional ballots as a referendum on his presidency. When the verdict disappointed him, he rejected the premise he had promoted. He wanted the credit, he demanded the loyalty, he rejected the consequences.
Adversaries can simply wait, because a president who declares victory on demand has already shown how little the word costs him.
Politico’s Dasha Burns questioned him about the contradiction. Trump acknowledged telling supporters to imagine him on the ballot, then blamed the candidates: Voters “didn’t like the candidates in most cases.” He remembered perfectly well. He needed another excuse. That is not forgetfulness. It is a method. An election excuse costs Trump some pride. A war costs the country far more. On November 3, in an interview with CBS News, Trump again blamed Republican losses on his absence from the ballot. In the same interview, he declared that the Iran war would end “when I say it’s over, basically. It’ll end when I say it ends.” The contrast is revealing. He accepts no responsibility for an election outcome, yet claims personal authority over the ending of a war. Americans deserve to know whether the war is over, whether victory has been achieved and what the president's promises actually mean. Troops and their families cannot plan around a war that is both won and ongoing. Allies cannot judge a commitment that changes with each interview. Adversaries can simply wait, because a president who declares victory on demand has already shown how little the word costs him. On March 11, Trump declared, “We won,” adding, “In the first hour it was over.” On June 8, he promised to “declare total victory” within two weeks. By late September, the victory supposedly achieved had become a victory still approaching: He was predicting victory very soon. Already won became winning soon, and over became almost over.
The new Congress takes office January 3. Its responsibility is to reassert the constitutional authority it has ...
Trump kept the triumphant tone while changing the tense. Americans were left to reconcile statements he would not reconcile himself. On October 30, he said the war was “going to get wrapped up soon.” On November 2, asked whether he was considering strikes after the midterms, he answered “no,” Reuters reported. On November 3, he told Fox News: “If we have to, we’ll have to.” Military circumstances can change. Presidents can reconsider. But reconsideration requires an explanation, not an expectation that earlier assurances have disappeared. Trump announces victory, postpones its arrival and claims sole authority over its definition. A war cannot be ended by editing the president’s description of it. The election excuse and the war declarations expose the same operating rule: Trump’s words impose obligations on everyone except Trump. Supporters must imagine him on the ballot. Candidates must absorb the defeat. The public must accept victory as accomplished, imminent or dependent on his next announcement. His authority remains absolute; his accountability remains negotiable. Voters delivered a Democratic wave on November 3, giving Democrats control of both chambers of Congress. The new Congress takes office January 3. Its responsibility is to reassert the constitutional authority it has allowed the president to exercise largely unchecked. With the blue wave mandate, Congress must hold public hearings and require administration officials to explain the contradictions. Put the president’s earlier declarations alongside his latest claims. Force a vote on whether continued military operations have congressional authorization. Use the power of the purse to fund American troops while refusing an open-ended commitment to a war with no measurable definition of victory. If Trump vetoes congressional action, let him explain why one man's judgment should supersede the constitutional responsibility of 535 elected representatives. Trump declared victory in March; now he says the war ends when he says so. Neither declaration answers the question Congress must put to him: If America has won, why is it still at war? The Congressional Democrats in charge must demand an end, not accept another declaration. A president can announce victory, but he cannot make it real simply by saying so.
About the author ~
Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.
Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.
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Whether you agree, disagree, or want to build on the ideas in this piece, we’d love to hear your voice. If you have an opinion you’d like to share — on this topic or any other — you can find our submission guidelines here: Sentinel submission guideline. We welcome a wide range of viewpoints and would be glad to consider your perspective for publication on OurSentinel.com. Send your letter or commentary to editor@oursentinel.com and help keep the community conversation moving forward.
