ST. JOSEPH - St. Joseph-Ogden's Orion Ciota celebrates his upset win over Unity's Colton Reed during their match on January 29, 2014. Ciota, who defeated the heavily-favored Reed by pin, helped the Spartans win the senior night match, 62-12. Here are seven more photos from SJO's match against the Rockets.
CHAMPAIGN - Lockport senior Brian Rossi (right) shoots in on Plainfield South's Miguel Silva during their 2014 title match at the IHSA Boys Individual Wrestling State Finals on Saturday, February 22, 2014. Rossi went on to win the 113-pound match, shutting out Sliva, 7-0. Rossi, the Porters' record holder in for the most-career wins (159), was a 3x finalist and 4x all-conference award winner before continuing his wrestling career at the collegiate level at Stanford.
Illinois State’s performance in the 2025 FCS National Championship highlighted the growing role of in-game video replay. Coaches used sideline iPads to review plays in real time and make immediate adjustments.
by Tunch Akkaya CEO & Founder of GameStrat
Photo courtesy GameStrat
Top programs are constantly searching for ways to shorten the feedback loop between mistakes and corrections. In-game video
does exactly that.
In today’s college football landscape, the smallest details often separate a win from a loss. For top programs competing deep into the postseason, preparation no longer stops when kickoff begins. It continues, play by play, on the sideline.
That reality was on full display during the 2025 FCS National Championship, where the Illinois State Redbirds and the Montana State Bobcats showcased how in-game video replay has become a competitive advantage for the sport’s top programs.
Seeing the game differently
On modern sidelines, coaches can now review every play almost instantly on iPads after the whistle. Instead of relying solely on memory, quick conversations with players, or what they were expecting from film study, staff can watch all the plays back, instantly after they happen, and make necessary adjustments before the next play/drive. This gives coaches the ability to:
identify breakdowns in assignments or technique,
confirm coverage or protection mistakes,
and show players clear visual examples of what needs to be corrected.
For athletes, seeing themselves on video in real time helps turn abstract coaching points into immediate, practical adjustments. For coaches, it provides confirmation of what’s going on, so they can use that to make more informed decisions.
A new tool for the college game
Photo courtesy GameStrat
Illinois State using GameStrat on the sidelines to make adjustments during the 2026 FCSNational Championship.
While sideline replay systems have been widely used in high school football for more than a decade, the technology only became formally available for college football programs in 2024.
The impact of this technology was made evident in Illinois State’s performance in the 2025 FCS National Championship. Montana State led 21–7 at halftime and extended the advantage to 28–14 in the third quarter, but the Redbirds used in-game video review to identify breakdowns and make immediate adjustments.
Illinois State responded with a strong second-half surge, tightening execution and cleaning up mistakes that had hurt them earlier in the game. The Redbirds fought all the way back to tie the game at the end of regulation, forcing overtime in what became one of the most competitive championship games in recent FCS history.
Ultimately, Illinois State fell just short in a thrilling overtime finish, losing 35–34 to Montana State. But the comeback itself highlighted how modern sideline technology supports faster learning, sharper adjustments, and better decision-making under pressure.
Resilience that defined an entire postseason
The championship performance was consistent with how Illinois State reached the title game in the first place.
The Redbirds became the only team in FCS history to win four straight road games during a single postseason on the way to the national championship. Their playoff run included a landmark victory over the North Dakota State Bison, the tournament’s No. 1 seed and one of the most successful programs in the history of the subdivision – winners of 10 of the past 14 FCS national titles, including the previous season.
That stretch of road showcased a team capable of adapting quickly to hostile environments, different situations, and the ability to make precise in-game adjustments in the biggest moments. Real-time video feedback, coupled with a great coaching staff that knows how to adjust, is a big reason for the Redbirds success in 2025.
Why top programs are embracing in-game video
College football has always been built on preparation, film study, and detailed game planning. What has changed is when that film becomes available.
Instead of waiting until halftime or the next day’s review session, coaches and players can now learn directly from the previous drive. For high-level teams, that speed matters.
As the college game continues to evolve, in-game video is quickly becoming a standard part of how elite programs think, teach, and adjust in real time. For Illinois State, the 2026 championship offered a clear example of how today’s sidelines are shaping today’s gam,e where seeing and adjusting faster than your opponent can be just as valuable as any play call.
About the author ~
Tunch Akkaya is the CEO & Founder of GameStrat, a leading provider of real-time sideline replay technology for football teams. With a background in Software Engineering and experience playing football throughout university, Tunch combines technical expertise with firsthand knowledge of the game.
This Memory Monday looks back at the smiles and moments from the St. Joseph-Ogden girls' basketball team's 2019 third-place finish in Class 2A at state.
Photo: Sentinel/Clark Brooks
NORMAL - St. Joseph-Ogden's Peyton Crowe hugs teammate Bree Trimble after their Class 2A victory over Hillsboro in the third-place game at the IHSA Girls Basketball State Finals. The Spartans led by as much as 26 points on their way to the program's best finish in school history. Crowe scored 13 points in the win, while Trimble put a team-high 28 points on the board on the way to a 68-53 win on Saturday. SJO ended 2018-19 season with just one loss after January 1, finishing the season 29-5. The team's 14-game winning streak was interrupted in the state semifinal game against Teutopolis a day earlier.
All photos: Sentinel/Clark Brooks
TOP LEFT: Getting quality minutes under the lights, freshman Ella Armstrong dribbles to the paint past Hillsboro's Sheridan Lyerla. MIDDLE: Rebounding from their loss to Teutopolis a day earlier in the Class 2A semifinals, Joseph-Ogden's Hannah Dukeman and teammates celebrate ending their season with a huge win. TOP RIGHT: Payton Jacob, also a freshman, loses control of the ball after it was slapped out of her hands by Hillsboro's Nikya Harston. BELOW: With the game well in hand, Armstrong shares a laugh on the bench with teammates. After three more seasons with the Spartans, Armstrong joined the Truman State program for two seasons and transfered to Grandview College where she now a student assistant coach.
Photo: Sentinel/Clark Brooks
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TAGS: St. Joseph-Ogden girls basketball team earns third-place trophy at state, SJO history made by girls basketball team, IHSA state basketball 2019, Payton Jacobs makes a pass, Ella Armstrong laughs, Peyton Crowe hugs a teammate
Bill to regulate soaring homeowners insurance rates is making comeback in Springfield
Photo: Serge Lavoie/PEXELS
After a natural disaster struck a while back, some insurers increased premium payments more than 25%.
SPRINGFIELD - Illinois lawmakers are poised to make a second attempt at passing a bill that would give state regulators more authority to control the rising cost of homeowners insurance.
Gov. JB Pritzker called for the legislation last summer after Bloomington-based State Farm Insurance announced it was raising premiums in Illinois an average 27.2%, citing years of losses in its property casualty line of coverage due to weather-related disasters in the state.
St. Thomas More's Brody Cuppernell tries to avoid a takedown attempt by Unity's Hunter Eastin during the IHSA 190-pound championship match at State Farm Center on Saturday. Eastin prevailed to win ...
TAGS: Washington politicians enriching themselves, homeowner's insurance rates getting out of hand, different types of cancers you should know, Ukraine needs their allies
While no indictment has established direct bribery, the Van Abbott argues the cumulative structure strains democratic norms. Citing watchdog findings from Trump’s first term and he calls for renewed scrutiny in Trump's second term.
by Van Abbott
In a second term, tens of billions of dollars now hover at the intersection of presidential power and private profit. According to the New York Times (01/20/2026), Trump and his family have already realized at least $1.4 billion in profit, a figure projected to rise substantially over the next three years.
More than an estimated $75 billion in legal claims, contested payments, foreign investments, settlements, pledges, and revenue streams orbit enterprises tied to Donald Trump and his family. How much ultimately becomes personal gain remains uncertain. The ledger opens with a $10 billion lawsuit and a $230 million claim against the United States Treasury. It includes $500 million directed to a Trump cryptocurrency venture, $500 million linked to a Venezuela oil transaction, and $10 billion tied to a so called Peace Council initiative.
Add a reported $40 billion Argentina loan, $16 million in direct media settlements plus $35 million in in kind value, and a $400 million aircraft arrangement from Qatar, along with hundreds of millions tied to pardon recipients and more than $1 billion from sovereign wealth funds benefiting family connected ventures.
The concern is not a single transaction but a recurring structure in which public authority and private enterprise operate without durable separation.
These figures frame a presidency in which power and profit converge. Multibillion dollar real estate negotiations involving foreign governments sit beside corporate pledges toward a future presidential library and ballroom from firms with business before federal regulators. Roughly $300 million in cryptocurrency offerings marketed to political supporters, tens of millions in campaign funds routed through Trump affiliated properties, multimillion dollar legal defense accounts financed by policy interested donors, and brand licensing profits exceeding $1 billion add further weight.
The concern is not a single transaction but a recurring structure in which public authority and private enterprise operate without durable separation.
Foreign capital presents a clear fault line. Jared Kushner’s $2 billion Saudi investment after his White House tenure illustrates how diplomatic access and post office profit can intersect.
Corporate pledges tied to a prospective presidential library and ballroom raise parallel concerns. Lawmakers argue that donations from firms facing federal review resemble influence purchases. Technology companies, energy exporters, financial institutions, and defense contractors depend on federal discretion. When those same actors finance projects aligned with the president, the conflict shifts from incidental to expected. Access encourages contribution, and contribution fosters expectation.
Trump’s continued ownership of a global brand compounds the issue. During his first term, watchdog organizations documented thousands of potential conflicts involving government spending at Trump properties. A second term has revived those questions.
Clemency and pardon authority offer another aperture into monetized influence. The Constitution grants broad discretion. When recipients include donors, former aides, or politically useful figures, the distinction between mercy and transaction blurs. Even absent proof of quid pro quo arrangements, the pattern erodes confidence in impartial justice.
Soft leverage deepens the dynamic. Universities reliant on federal grants, media companies confronting license reviews, and industries pressing for tariff relief operate in a climate where access carries implicit value. None alone establishes criminal conduct. Together they depict a system.
Defenders note that no indictment has established direct bribery tied to second term actions. Yet corruption need not culminate in prosecution to inflict damage.
The cumulative effect resembles an economic ecosystem organized around political influence. Campaign committees draw funds from interested parties. Businesses expand in markets shaped by executive decisions. Former officials capitalize on relationships forged in office. Each component may satisfy narrow legal standards, yet the architecture as a whole strains public trust.
That strain carries measurable consequences. Democratic governance depends on confidence that tariffs advance national strategy rather than private balance sheets, that clemency reflects justice rather than loyalty, and that regulatory outcomes arise from evidence rather than financial alignment. When those assurances erode, legitimacy erodes with them.
Congress retains authority to reassert boundaries through oversight, mandatory disclosures, stronger conflict of interest rules, and divestiture requirements durable enough to outlast any individual office holder. When precedent begins to normalize impropriety, inaction becomes complicity.
The opening ledger of billions is not merely an estimated catalog of transactions. It represents billions hovering at the intersection of presidential power and private profit that is not abstract. At least $1.4 billion has already been realized, with vastly larger sums positioned within reach of executive discretion.
The worst case is not a single unlawful act. It is normalization. It is a presidency in which foreign governments calculate payments as policy leverage, corporations treat donations as regulatory insurance, and clemency becomes another instrument of transactional politics.
Once that precedent hardens, future presidents will inherit not guardrails but a blueprint. The cost would not be measured only in dollars, but in a durable shift from constitutional stewardship to monetized power.
About the author ~ Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.
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TAGS: Trump second term conflicts of interest analysis, presidential power and private profit op-ed, foreign investments linked to Trump family businesses, cryptocurrency ventures and political fundraising concerns, congressional oversight and presidential divestiture debate
Illinois consumer advocacy groups are demanding action as electricity bills rise and data centers use an increasing amount of power. But data center operators warn unfavorable state policies, combined with an existing biometric privacy law, could drive them away from Illinois to places like Wisconsin or Indiana.
Gabriel Castilho
Medill Illinois News Bureau / Capitol News Illinois SPRINGFIELD - The debate over how to regulate data centers in Illinois is intensifying as lawmakers struggle to balance costs to consumers and the state’s need to be competitive economically.
Data centers house computer systems that store, process and distribute data but require large amounts of energy to power that workload. A growing number of these facilities are used to power AI.
Illustration: PromptPlay/Pixabay
Data centers house thousands of interconnected servers and storage systems that process, manage and deliver digital information through private networks and the internet. Their intensive energy demands can strain local power grids and contribute to higher electricity costs for surrounding communities.
A state report published in December projects energy shortfalls would begin in northern Illinois by 2029 and the rest of the state by 2031, driven in large part by data centers’ increased power usage. That’s led Gov. JB Pritzker to backtrack on a proposal he signed in his first year as governor to incentivize data center development in the state.
“With the shifting energy landscape, it is imperative that our growth does not undermine affordability and stability for our families,” he said, proposing a two-year moratorium on the incentives in his budget address Wednesday.
Illinois consumers blame data centers — which often receive generous tax incentives in Illinois — for straining the grid and driving up prices, and they want relief. But companies that operate the centers are seeking ways to build more quickly and pushing for looser regulation, arguing the centers are key to the state’s economic future.
Environmentalists want new data centers to build their own renewable energy sources on site
And the state, from the governor’s office to the legislature, is struggling with ways to balance the economic interests tied to data center development with environmental and consumer cost concerns.
“We don’t want them to overwhelm our electrical capabilities and our water resources,” Sen. Steve Stadelman, D-Caledonia, said. “If we’re going to allow them and track them, how can we make sure it benefits Illinois residents and rate payers in the state?”
Data center negotiations continue
These are the same issues and tensions legislators hoped to address in their fall veto session. But no broad consensus was reached, and instead, Gov. JB Pritzker signed the Clean and Reliable Grid Affordability Act, adding new air regulations for backup generators used by data centers.
Lawmakers in Springfield have already begun negotiating a new round of data center regulations.
Sen. Ram Villivalam, D-Chicago, recently announced the introduction of Senate Bill 4016, known as the POWER Act, to place prohibitions on cost shifting, introduce “bring your own new clean capacity and energy,” guarantee transparent public engagement and implement water efficiency standards on data centers.
“By establishing policies that ensure data centers, not consumers, bear the increasing energy costs, and critical protections for our environment and sustainable water use, we can work toward a future built for technology to support our daily lives,” Villivalam said, “not deplete our resources and price us out of our homes.”
Environmentalists want new data centers to build their own renewable energy sources on site to prevent new projects from further stressing energy infrastructure and creating more pollution.
Pritzker said something similar earlier this month: “If they are, in any way, going to increase the price of electricity for consumers, they should pay for that increase, not the consumers.”.
The data center companies oppose such mandates, preferring a voluntary “bring your own energy” policy, according to Brad Tietz, director of state policy for the Data Center Coalition industry group.
“I think, ultimately, when you try to mandate something, you get less of it,” he said.
States are competing to attract investments from companies that want to build more data centers as they seek an edge in the artificial intelligence race. Illinois has the fourth-largest number of data centers — 222 — in the country, but Tietz said the state is in danger of slipping because other states have friendlier policies.
We're a leader in the country as far as protecting people's privacy rights and protecting their data
Illinois has provided tax incentives for data centers since Pritzker signed bipartisan legislation in 2019. According to the state’s 2024 report, at least 27 data centers had received incentives totaling $983 million in estimated lifetime tax breaks and benefits. That would stop for at least two years under Pritzker’s plan.
Sen. Terri Bryant, R-Murphysboro, said she would like to see “a change in our policy here in Illinois” so the state does not fall behind, though she hopes those centers bring their own energy.
“We want to be able to do that because if we don’t, China will. If we don’t, Wisconsin will, Indiana will,” she said.
‘Little type of war’
As negotiations progress, the Data Center Coalition has signified another point of contention: A 2008 law known as the Biometric Information Privacy Act that prohibits private companies from collecting personal data without informed consent. The law allows people to sue over the misuse of their biometric profile, such as fingerprint mapping, facial recognition and retina scans.
Stadelman said the privacy protections in the act, which Illinois put in place before any other state, are at the center of a “little type of war.”
“You have privacy rights advocates saying, ‘We're a leader in the country as far as protecting people's privacy rights and protecting their data,’” Stadelman said. “But the data (centers) say, ‘We're not going to have more projects in Illinois unless you change the BIPA legislation.’”
Tietz said these regulations have factored into operators’ decisions to bypass Illinois, although lawmakers in 2024 drastically curtailed the way damages accrue and the liability private entities are likely to face if found in violation.
But the data center industry wasn't satisfied, and its leaders say the legal liabilities are one reason they are building in other states.
Abe Scarr, state director of the Illinois Public Interest Research Group, said biometric information is uniquely sensitive.
“We should know who is collecting and commercializing information created from the stuff our lives are made of,” Scarr said. “And we should have to opt into — and be able to easily opt out of — pervasive, intrusive surveillance.”
Consumer backlash
The legislative debate comes as data centers have become increasingly controversial. In January, the Aurora City Council approved a moratorium pausing new data centers. The city had five data centers in development and had been receiving requests to build more even as residents and environmental groups complained about noise, water usage and rising utility costs.
Alison Lindburg, director of sustainability for Aurora, said the city passed the moratorium because it needed time to put requirements for data centers in place.
“We have tried to explain that to communities, that it’s not just about data centers in Aurora, it’s about the entire grid, but that doesn’t matter to them,” Lindburg said in an interview. “I think they’re just very frustrated overall with the rising electricity prices.”
Hannah Flath, Illinois Environmental Council’s climate communications director, said other communities are also opposing data centers.
“In that case (Aurora), the local government acted in accordance with what their local constituents were saying,” Flath said.
Tietz said he has been in conversations with officials from Aurora about the 180-day moratorium and is hoping he can help find a solution.
Lucy Contreras, GreenLatinos Illinois state program director, said communities should have a voice in whether, where and how these projects are built. She said developers must ensure host communities receive tangible benefits rather than bearing only the burdens of hosting these facilities.
“They contribute to air pollution and consume excessive amounts of water daily, which restrains local water systems that might already be struggling,” Contreras said. “Without strong and forceful regulations, data center expansion will deepen existing inequalities, harm public health and undermine our Illinois clean energy goals.”
Spreading the costs
Utilities are building billions of dollars of new power lines and plants to keep up with energy demand increases brought on by data centers — whether they’re built or in the process of being built. They, in turn, spread associated costs to ratepayers.
“Speculation about data center development has actually increased prices,” Sen. Bill Cunningham, D-Chicago, said. “It’s not just the immediate demand, it’s anticipated future demand, so it’s really important to sift out the wheat from the chaff on what’s a real proposal and what isn’t.”
Cunningham said he expects fellow Democratic lawmakers to work on safeguards for consumers when pending data center projects go uncompleted.
Recently, northern Illinois utility Commonwealth Edison announced it will require a 10-year guarantee of revenues upfront from big energy consumers. ComEd said this will help protect ratepayers from bearing the costs of high-load projects and ensure, even if they don't come to fruition.
Maddie Wazowicz, Midwest Energy Efficiency Alliance policy director, said utilities function best when they can plan into the future.
“Whether or not data centers emerge — and how much, how many of them come, where and how long they last — does complicate utility long-term planning,” she said.
Gabriel Castilho is a graduate student in journalism with Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, Media and Integrated Marketing Communications, and is a fellow in its Medill Illinois News Bureau working in partnership with Capitol News Illinois.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
More on Illinois politics
Tags: unfavorable policies may drive data centers away, lawmakers want data center operators to use renewable energy, data centers raise electricity bills for area residents, Wisconsin and Indiana privacy laws are more relaxed than Illinois
A bill that would give state insurance regulators authority to review and modify homeowners insurance rates failed on the floor of the House last year but could be revived for a second vote when lawmakers return to the Statehouse this week.
Peter Hancock
Capitol News Illinois SPRINGFIELD - Illinois lawmakers are poised to make a second attempt at passing a bill that would give state regulators more authority to control the rising cost of homeowners insurance.
Gov. JB Pritzker called for the legislation last summer after Bloomington-based State Farm Insurance announced it was raising premiums in Illinois an average 27.2%, citing years of losses in its property casualty line of coverage due to weather-related disasters in the state.
Photo: Serge Lavoie/PEXELS
After a natural disaster struck a while back, some insurers increased premium payments more than 25%.
A bill to give the Illinois Department of Insurance authority to approve or reject insurance rate increases passed the Senate during last fall’s veto session. But when it returned to the House for a vote to concur with changes the Senate had made, the amended bill fell four votes short of the 60 needed for passage. That left many to believe the bill had died.
The following day, however, the bill’s chief House sponsor, Rep. Robyn Gabel, D-Evanston, refiled a motion to concur, which is allowed under House rules. And Pritzker has said since the end of the veto session that he still wants the legislation to pass.
“They get a second bite at the apple,” Kevin Martin, executive director of the Illinois Insurance Association, said in an interview.
Gabel told Capitol News Illinois through a spokesperson this week that no decision had been made about calling the bill for a second vote. But Martin said people in the industry have heard the bill could be called as early as Tuesday, when the House and Senate return to the Statehouse to begin the 2026 legislative session in earnest.
Current environment
The controversy over State Farm’s rate hike last year raised attention to the fact that Illinois stands out among states for having exceptionally weak regulations over the insurance industry.
Advocates for the legislation argue that every state in the nation except Illinois has a law that prohibits insurance companies from charging “inadequate, excessive or unfairly discriminatory” premiums. And other states’ insurance regulators have authority to review and modify proposed rate increases.
Illinois, however, is known in the insurance industry as a “use-and-file” state, meaning companies can raise their rates at any time and immediately put them into effect before filing the new rate schedule with state regulators.
The Illinois Department of Insurance has authority to license companies and agents to do business in the state. It also has authority to make sure insurance products sold in Illinois comply with state laws and that companies honor the terms of their policies. But it has no other authority to review or approve the rates they charge.
Douglas Heller, director of insurance for the Washington-based Consumer Federation of America, described Illinois’ law last year as “among the most toothless in the nation.”
In the wake of State Farm’s rate increase last year, Pritzker suggested the company was trying to shift the cost of disaster-related losses in other states like California and Florida onto the backs of Illinois consumers, and he said legislation was needed to prevent that practice from happening in Illinois.
“As states across the country face even more extreme weather than we do, we need to make sure Illinois homeowners are not paying for losses that companies experience in other states,” Pritzker said in an op-ed column published in the Chicago Tribune that was cosigned by House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch and Senate President Don Harmon.
State Farm officials firmly denied that allegation, and Martin insisted no insurance companies in Illinois engage in that practice.
“We have never seen anything like that, and we would argue very strongly that that does not happen and cannot happen based on the actuarial data that the companies have to provide in Illinois on Illinois losses,” he said.
Proposed changes
Pritzker’s call for new legislation to regulate homeowners insurance rates led to intense negotiations between the governor’s office, legislative leaders and the insurance industry. But the final language wasn’t unveiled until the final hours of the fall veto session.
The language was put into a Senate amendment to House Bill 3799. It included language prohibiting “excessive, inadequate, or unfairly discriminatory” rates. It also called for banning the practice of “cost-shifting” by requiring companies to use state-specific loss data to develop their rates whenever possible.
The bill also would leave in place the state’s “use-and-file” method of setting rates, meaning companies would not have to seek advance clearance from state regulators before implementing rate changes. But it would require them to give consumers at least 60 days’ advance notice before raising rates by 10% or more.
The major sticking point for the insurance industry, however, was the provision giving the Department of Insurance authority to review and approve or modify rates after they are put into place.
Under the proposed language, if the agency found a company’s rates to be excessive, inadequate or unfairly discriminatory, it would send the company a notice specifying the agency’s objections. Companies then would be allowed to defend their rates at an administrative hearing. But after that hearing, if the agency still believed the rates violated standards of the law, it would be authorized to order the company to rebate excess charges back to customers.
According to Martin, the industry’s main objection to that language was that there was no limit on how far back in time the agency could look in its rate review process.
“They can go back forever,” he said.
“We just believe that, in all of the negotiations that we had, for them to come in at the last minute with this type of language, of the changes that they made, was just something that we thought was really unfair,” Martin said.
The House and Senate have each been in session a few days this year, mainly to introduce new bills and to pass a few resolutions. But the work of the session will begin in earnest this coming week, starting Tuesday when both chambers will meet and begin holding committee hearings.
Pritzker is scheduled to deliver his annual budget and State of the State address to a joint session of the General Assembly on Wednesday.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
More on Illinois politics
Tags: Illinois bill to regulate insurance companies resurfaces, Illinois Insurance Association opposes new bill, homeowners insurance rate hikes, Illinois insurance consumers
An Indiana history professor says uncivil political behavior has long been part of American history. He urged Americans to approach political conversations with humility and compassion.
by Teri Dee Public News Service INDIANAPOLIS - Uncivil political behavior is well-documented in American history, according to one Indiana professor.
A 2024 Gallup poll indicated political rhetoric has gone too far and is fueling frustrations with political leadership. The study said 94% of Democrats and 93% of Republicans agreed inflammatory language aimed at the other party is harmful and counterproductive.
Ted Frantz, professor of history at the University of Indianapolis, argued anyone who is following U.S. politics can see the country is in a crisis moment.
Critics saw the decision as another attempt to distort and erase Black history.
"Since our politics tend to be reduced to two parties, at times, you might be able to justify what happens in the heat of the moment because you believe in your cause," Frantz explained. "But the problem with that, of course, is if you extend the rules or suspended the rules at a time when you really need them enforced for something you do care about, then somebody else can employ the same logic."
The survey also found Americans view the spread of extremist views online as a main factor contributing to political violence. Frantz agreed recognizing someone as human in a conversation is hard if the person is on a screen and people need to approach conversations about politics with a sense of humility and compassion. There can be more than one side to an argument, he added, and even if you disagree, you can express those ideas after showing up and listening.
Photo: Photo by Dan Mall/Unsplash
Last month, the Trump administration ordered the removal of four panels at Independence Park, the Philadelphia home of former president George Washington. The exhibit honored the names of nine enslaved people owned by Washington. Critics saw the decision as another attempt to distort and erase Black history. Frantz called the removal highly political and stressed more effort should be made to write history in a more balanced and inclusive tone.
"To rewrite history as rapidly as the administration did is a disservice to what happened during the Civil Rights Movement," Frantz contended. "It's a disservice to the professionalism of the people who had established those markers, and it helps, effectively, unfortunately, erase key narratives about what happened and why."
He underscored it is dangerous when politicians are willing to distort the past to promote a political agenda in the present. Last week, a federal judge ordered the panels restored while a lawsuit against the Interior Department proceeds.
More that might interest you
TAGS: 2024 Gallup poll political rhetoric findings, Ted Frantz University of Indianapolis political history, Independence Park Philadelphia exhibit panel removal, bipartisan views on inflammatory political language, federal judge restoration order Interior Department lawsuit
Homewood-Flossmoor's Chazz Robinson tries to untangle himself from the grasp Joliet Catholic's Lukas Foster during their 126-pound match at the IHSA Individual Wrestling State Finals on Saturday. Foster, who scored on takedowns in the first and third periods, went on to win the match 6-0 to win the bronze medal. Robinson, a junior, finished the weekend with three wins, two losses, and fourth overall in the division. See more photos and tournament recap below for both wrestlers.
Lukas Foster's tournament summary:
Champ. Round 1 - Defeated St. Charles East's Declan Sons (34-19) by tech fall 21-5 (TF-1.5 1:49)
Quarterfinal - Defeated Montini's Bobby Ruscitti (47-2) by major decision 10-2
Semifinal - Lost to Hersey's Oleksandr Havrylkiv (41-5) by major decision 11-2
Semifinal - Lost to Oak Park-River Forest's Jamiel Castleberry (36-3) by decision 5-4
Cons. Semi - Defeated Montini's Bobby Ruscitti (47-2) by decision 4-2
3rd Place Match - Fell 6-0 to Lukas Foster (35-6) by decision 6-0
More Sentinel wrestling articles
TAGS: IHSA wrestling State Farm Center, Joliet Catholic wrestling, Foster wins third at state, Robinson finishes fourth in 126-pound division, Homewood-Floosmoor wrestler Chazz Robinson
Balanced scoring and ice-cold free throw shooting carried St. Joseph-Ogden past Bismarck-Henning 53-40 in Thursday's region...
On This Day
Discover the headlines published on each of these days from our news and sports coverage from Champaign‑Urbana and the wider community. From local news and sports to community events, politics, and opinion pieces, The Sentinel archives capture the stories that shaped life in Champaign County year after year.
by Tunch Akkaya 
About the author ~
Trump’s continued ownership of a global brand compounds the issue. During his first term, watchdog organizations documented thousands of potential conflicts involving government spending at Trump properties. A second term has revived those questions.
Clemency and pardon authority offer another aperture into monetized influence. The Constitution grants broad discretion. When recipients include donors, former aides, or politically useful figures, the distinction between mercy and transaction blurs. Even absent proof of quid pro quo arrangements, the pattern erodes confidence in impartial justice.
Soft leverage deepens the dynamic. Universities reliant on federal grants, media companies confronting license reviews, and industries pressing for tariff relief operate in a climate where access carries implicit value. None alone establishes criminal conduct. Together they depict a system.
Defenders note that no indictment has established direct bribery tied to second term actions. Yet corruption need not culminate in prosecution to inflict damage.
The cumulative effect resembles an economic ecosystem organized around political influence. Campaign committees draw funds from interested parties. Businesses expand in markets shaped by executive decisions. Former officials capitalize on relationships forged in office. Each component may satisfy narrow legal standards, yet the architecture as a whole strains public trust.
That strain carries measurable consequences. Democratic governance depends on confidence that tariffs advance national strategy rather than private balance sheets, that clemency reflects justice rather than loyalty, and that regulatory outcomes arise from evidence rather than financial alignment. When those assurances erode, legitimacy erodes with them.
Congress retains authority to reassert boundaries through oversight, mandatory disclosures, stronger conflict of interest rules, and divestiture requirements durable enough to outlast any individual office holder. When precedent begins to normalize impropriety, inaction becomes complicity.
The opening ledger of billions is not merely an estimated catalog of transactions. It represents billions hovering at the intersection of presidential power and private profit that is not abstract. At least $1.4 billion has already been realized, with vastly larger sums positioned within reach of executive discretion.
The worst case is not a single unlawful act. It is normalization. It is a presidency in which foreign governments calculate payments as policy leverage, corporations treat donations as regulatory insurance, and clemency becomes another instrument of transactional politics.
Once that precedent hardens, future presidents will inherit not guardrails but a blueprint. The cost would not be measured only in dollars, but in a durable shift from constitutional stewardship to monetized power.
