This piece examines several troubling episodes: Blanche’s broad tax-settlement agreement benefiting Trump and his associates, the abrupt closure of the investigation into Tom Homan’s alleged $50,000 payment, and the unexplained circumstances surrounding Ghislaine Maxwell’s prison transfer. Together, these cases raise a fundamental question about whether the Justice Department is enforcing the law impartially or protecting those closest to the president.
Guest Contributor
The attorney general is not the president’s personal lawyer. The office belongs to the public ...
President Trump has directed the Justice Department to scrutinize Democratic lawmakers preparing to investigate his administration. On November 7, Trump ordered the department to examine lawmakers’ statements promising oversight. Asked the next day whether their rhetoric could warrant investigation, Attorney General Todd Blanche answered, “It depends on what’s said. So, yes, there could be.” He identified no specific criminal statute. On November 12, Blanche said no criminal investigations into lawmakers’ statements were underway. That clarification matters. It does not erase the warning. Law enforcement must not become retaliation for legitimate oversight. Blanche had also answered a warning that incoming White House chief of staff Stephen Miller should lawyer up by declaring, “Stephen Miller has a lawyer, it’s me.” Government lawyers can properly represent officials, subject to legal conditions and conflicts rules. Paired with his warning to Congress, however, the promise draws a disturbing line: protection for insiders, menace for investigators. The attorney general is not the president’s personal lawyer. The office belongs to the public, and its duty runs to the law. The president himself stands to benefit. An inquiry into an aide can expose who authorized a decision; into a contract, who profited; into a settlement, what the government surrendered. Start with the tax settlement. On May 19, 2026, Blanche signed an addendum purporting to release Trump, his sons and related people and entities from government claims, including tax examinations. It covered known and unknown claims involving previously filed returns, seeking to bar future action over past tax matters. On August 2, Blanche rescinded the settlement’s $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund, but did not expressly rescind the tax addendum. He asserted its protections applied retroactively and only to named parties, although its language also covers related individuals, family members, trusts and affiliated companies. Enforceability remains disputed. A federal judge found that the lawsuit served an improper purpose and restricted the parties’ ability to invoke the agreement. An appeals court declined to halt that order. The addendum remains an oversight issue, not an established, enforceable shield. Congress should determine who authorized its protections and what claims the government purported to surrender. Then there is border czar Tom Homan. Undercover FBI agents reportedly recorded him accepting $50,000 in September 2024 for helping secure future government contracts. Homan has denied taking the money; the White House rejected the allegations. Reporters Carol Leonnig and Ken Dilanian found that investigators considered four possible charges and that DOJ’s Public Integrity Section joined the investigation. Senior official Emil Bove reportedly opposed the case after Trump took office. It was closed.
When Democrats take control of congressional committees in January 2027, they should subpoena the settlement documents, trace the reported $50,000 and obtain Maxwell’s transfer records.
Blanche and FBI Director Kash Patel said a review found “no credible evidence of any criminal wrongdoing.” Some investigators reportedly believed they had a strong conspiracy case. Former federal public-corruption prosecutor Randall Eliason explained even if the appointment never occurred, that an agreement to commit bribery in the future could itself support a conspiracy charge. That is legal analysis, not a finding of guilt. Congress should determine whether evidence or political loyalty ended the investigation. On October 27, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse said the agencies still had not provided a straight answer about the $50,000. Closing a case does not close the accounting. Ghislaine Maxwell’s transfer raises different questions. In July 2025, shortly after interviews with then-Deputy Attorney General Blanche, she moved to a minimum-security prison camp. Whitehouse sought records explaining an apparent exception to ordinary placement rules for people with sex-offense histories. Blanche cited safety threats. Safety may justify a transfer; it does not eliminate accountability. Bloomberg reported that the transfer form it obtained redacted the written justification. Timing alone proves no improper bargain. It warrants scrutiny. These episodes do not prove a single conspiracy. They present separate decisions deserving examination, not threats against the examiners. Congress has tools, including civil enforcement and legislative powers. But criminal referrals do not compel prosecution, and DOJ asserts prosecutorial discretion over criminal contempt referrals. Blanche leads the department on which that enforcement referral depends. When Democrats take control of congressional committees in January 2027, they should subpoena the settlement documents, trace the reported $50,000 and obtain Maxwell’s transfer records. They should demand explanations while addressing legitimate privilege claims through lawful procedures. Blanche may contest congressional demands. He may not intimidate lawmakers out of oversight. Oversight is not an attack on the presidency. It is the job. Congress must prove that no president can intimidate it out of doing that job.
About the author ~
Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.
Van Abbott is a long time resident of Alaska and California. He has held financial management positions in government and private organizations in California, Kansas, and Alaska. He is retired and writes Op-Eds as a hobby. He served in the Peace Corps in the late sixties. You can find more of his commentaries and comments on life in America on Substack.
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